United States Navy aircraft carrier USS Lexington CV-2

USS Lexington (CV-2)

Name: USS Lexington
Namesake: Battle of Lexington
Ordered: 1916 (as battlecruiser) 1922 (as aircraft carrier)
Builder: Fore River Ship and Engine Building Co., Quincy, Massachusetts
Laid down: 8 January 1921
Launched: 3 October 1925
Christened: Mrs. Theodore Douglas Robinson
Commissioned: 14 December 1927
Reclassified: As aircraft carrier, 1 July 1922
Struck: 24 June 1942
Identification: Hull number: CC-1, then CV-2
Nickname: "Lady Lex"
Fate: Sunk during the Battle of the Coral Sea, 8 May 1942

General characteristics

Class and type: Lexington-class aircraft carrier
Displacement: 36,000 long tons (37,000 t) (standard) 47,700 long tons (48,500 t) (deep load)
Length: 888 ft (270.7 m)
Beam: 107 ft 6 in (32.8 m)
Draft: 32 ft 6 in (9.9 m) (deep load)
Installed power: 180,000 shp (130,000 kW)
Propulsion: 4 shafts, 4 sets turbo-electric drive 16 water-tube boilers
Speed: 33.25 knots (61.58 km/h; 38.26 mph)
Range: 10,000 nmi (19,000 km; 12,000 mi) at 10 kn (19 km/h; 12 mph)
Complement: 2,791 (including aviation personnel) in 1942
Armament: 4 × 2 - 8-inch guns 12 × 1 - 5-inch anti-aircraft guns
Armor: Belt: 5–7 in (127–178 mm) Deck: .75–2 in (19–51 mm) Gun turrets: .75 in (19 mm) Bulkheads: 5–7 in (127–178 mm)
Aircraft carried: 78
Aviation facilities: 1 Aircraft catapult

 

USS Lexington (CV-2), nicknamed 'Lady Lex',^[1] was the name ship of her class of two aircraft carriers built for the United States Navy during the 1920s. Originally designed as a battlecruiser, she was converted into one of the Navy's first aircraft carriers during construction to comply with the terms of the Washington Naval Treaty of 1922, which essentially terminated all new battleship and battlecruiser construction. The ship entered service in 1928 and was assigned to the Pacific Fleet for her entire career. Lexington and her sister ship, Saratoga, were used to develop and refine carrier tactics in a series of annual exercises before World War II. On more than one occasion these included successfully staged surprise attacks on Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. The ship's turbo-electric propulsion system allowed her to supplement the electrical supply of Tacoma, Washington, during a drought in late 1929 to early 1930. She also delivered medical personnel and relief supplies to Managua, Nicaragua, after an earthquake in 1931.

Lexington was at sea when the Pacific War began on 7 December 1941, ferrying fighter aircraft to Midway Island. Her mission was canceled and she returned to Pearl Harbor a week later. After a few days, she was sent to create a diversion from the force en route to relieve the besieged Wake Island garrison by attacking Japanese installations in the Marshall Islands. The island surrendered before the relief force got close enough, and the mission was canceled. A planned attack on Wake Island in January 1942 had to be canceled when a submarine sank the oiler required to supply the fuel for the return trip. Lexington was sent to the Coral Sea the following month to block any Japanese advances into the area. The ship was spotted by Japanese search aircraft while approaching Rabaul, New Britain, but her aircraft shot down most of the Japanese bombers that attacked her. Together with the carrier Yorktown, she successfully attacked Japanese shipping off the east coast of New Guinea in early March.

Lexington was quickly refitted in Pearl Harbor at the end of the month and rendezvoused with Yorktown in the Coral Sea in early May. A few days later the Japanese began Operation Mo, the invasion of Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea, and the two American carriers attempted to stop the invasion forces. They sank the light aircraft carrier Shōhō on 7 May during the Battle of the Coral Sea, but did not encounter the main Japanese force of the carriers Shōkaku and Zuikaku until the next day. Aircraft from Lexington and Yorktown badly damaged Shōkaku, but the Japanese aircraft crippled Lexington. A mixture of air and aviation gasoline in her improperly drained aircraft fueling trunk lines (which ran from the keel tanks to her hangar deck) ignited, causing a series of explosions and fires that could not be controlled. Lexington was scuttled by an American destroyer during the evening of 8 May to prevent her capture. The ship's wreck was located on 4 March 2018 by RV Petrel, which was part of an expedition funded by Paul Allen.

Description and construction

Lexington on the slipway, 1925

Lexington was the fourth US Navy ship named after the 1775 Battle of Lexington, the first battle of the Revolutionary War.^[2] She was originally authorized in 1916 as a Lexington-class battlecruiser, but construction was delayed so that higher-priority anti-submarine vessels and merchant ships, needed to ensure the safe passage of personnel and materiel to Europe during Germany's U-boat campaign, could be built. After the war the ship was extensively redesigned, partially as a result of British experience.^[3] Given the hull number of CC-1, Lexington was laid down on 8 January 1921 by Fore River Shipbuilding Company of Quincy, Massachusetts.^[2]

Lexington beginning the transit from her builder at Quincy to Boston Navy Yard in January 1928

Before the Washington Naval Conference concluded, the ship's construction was suspended in February 1922,^[4] when she was 24.2 percent complete.^[5] She was re-designated and re-authorized as an aircraft carrier on 1 July 1922.^[2] Her displacement was reduced by a total of 4,000 long tons (4,100 t), achieved mainly by the elimination of her main armament of eight 16-inch (406 mm) guns in four twin turrets (including their heavy turret mounts, their armor, and other equipment).^[6][7] The main armor belt was retained, but was reduced in height to save weight.^[8] The general line of the hull remained unaltered, as did the torpedo protection system, because they had already been built, and it would have been too expensive to alter them.^[9]

The ship had an overall length of 888 feet (270.7 m), a beam of 106 feet (32.3 m), and a draft of 30 feet 5 inches (9.3 m) at deep load. Lexington had a standard displacement of 36,000 long tons (36,578 t) and 43,056 long tons (43,747 t) at deep load. At that displacement, she had a metacentric height of 7.31 feet (2.2 m).^[6]

Christened by Helen Rebecca Roosevelt, the wife of the Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Theodore Douglas Robinson, Lexington was launched on 3 October 1925. She was commissioned on 14 December 1927 with Captain Albert Marshall in command.^[2] By 1942, the ship had a crew of 100 officers and 1,840 enlisted men and an aviation group totaling 141 officers and 710 enlisted men.^[6]

Flight deck arrangements

USS Lexington pre war aircraft
Boeing F4B 1 fighter VB 1B BulNo A 8153 takes off from USS Lexington (CV-2) circa 1930 Martin T4M 1 torpedo bomber VT 1B takes off from USS Lexington (CV-2) circa 1930 Vought O2U 2 Corsair BulNo A 8103 of Scouting Squadron 3 B takes off from USS Lexington (CV-2) 28th Feb 1929 Vought O2U 2 Corsair BulNo A 8103 of Scouting Squadron 3 B takes off from USS Lexington (CV-2) 28th Feb 1929

The ship's flight deck was 866 feet 2 inches (264 m) long and had a maximum width of 105 feet 11 inches (32.3 m).^[6] When built, her hangar 'was the largest single enclosed space afloat on any ship'^[10] and had an area of 33,528 square feet (3,114.9 m2). It was 424 feet (129.2 m) long and 68 feet (20.7 m) wide. Its minimum height was 21 feet (6.4 m), and it was divided by a single fire curtain just forward of the aft aircraft elevator. Aircraft repair shops, 108 feet (32.9 m) long, were aft of the hangar, and below them was a storage space for disassembled aircraft, 128 feet (39.0 m) long. Lexington was fitted with two hydraulically powered elevators on her centerline. The forward elevator's dimensions were 30 by 60 feet (9.1 m × 18.3 m) and it had a capacity of 16,000 pounds (7,300 kg). The aft elevator had a capacity of only 6,000 pounds (2,700 kg) and measured 30 by 36 feet (9.1 m × 11.0 m).^[10] Avgas was stored in eight compartments of the torpedo protection system, and their capacity has been quoted as either 132,264 US gallons (500,670 L; 110,133 imp gal) or 163,000 US gallons (620,000 L; 136,000 imp gal).^[11]

Lexington was initially fitted with electrically operated arresting gear designed by Carl Norden that used both fore-and-aft and transverse wires. The longitudinal wires were intended to prevent aircraft from being blown over the side of the ship while the transverse wires slowed them to a stop. This system was authorized to be replaced by the hydraulically operated Mk 2 system, without longitudinal wires, on 11 August 1931. Four improved Mk 3 units were added in 1934, giving the ship a total of eight arresting wires and four barriers intended to prevent aircraft from crashing into parked aircraft on the ship's bow. After the forward flight deck was widened in 1936, an additional eight wires were added there to allow aircraft to land over the bow if the landing area at the stern was damaged.^[12] The ship was built with a 155-foot (47.2 m), flywheel-powered, F Mk II aircraft catapult, also designed by Norden, on the starboard side of the bow.^[6][10] This catapult was strong enough to launch a 10,000-pound (4,500 kg) aircraft at a speed of 48 knots (89 km/h; 55 mph). It was intended to launch seaplanes, but was rarely used; a 1931 report tallied only five launches of practice loads since the ship had been commissioned. It was removed during the ship's 1936 refit.^[13]

Lexington was designed to carry 78 aircraft, including 36 bombers,^[14] but these numbers increased once the Navy adopted the practice of tying up spare aircraft in the unused spaces at the top of the hangar.^[15] In 1936, the fighter component of her air group consisted of 18 Grumman F2F-1 and 18 Boeing F4B-4 fighters, plus an additional nine F2Fs in reserve. Offensive punch was provided by 20 Vought SBU Corsair dive bombers with 10 spare aircraft and 18 Great Lakes BG torpedo bombers with nine spares. Miscellaneous aircraft included two Grumman JF Duck amphibians, plus one in reserve, and three active and one spare Vought O2U Corsair observation aircraft. This amounted to 79 aircraft, plus 30 spares.^[6]

Propulsion

The Lexington-class carriers used turbo-electric propulsion; each of the four propeller shafts was driven by two 22,500-shaft-horsepower (16,800 kW) electric motors. They were powered by four General Electric turbo generators rated at 35,200 kilowatts (47,200 hp) using steam provided by sixteen Yarrow boilers.^[16] Six 750-kilowatt (1,010 hp) electric generators were installed in the upper levels of the two main turbine compartments to provide power to meet the ship's hotel load (minimum electrical) requirements.^[17]

The ship was designed to reach 33.25 knots (61.58 km/h; 38.26 mph),^[6] but Lexington achieved 34.59 knots (64.06 km/h; 39.81 mph) from 202,973 shp (151,357 kW) during sea trials in 1928.^[16] She carried a maximum of 6,688 long tons (6,795 t) of fuel oil, but only 5,400 long tons (5,500 t) of that was usable, as the rest had to be retained as ballast in the port fuel tanks to offset the weight of the island and main guns.^[18] Designed for a range of 10,000 nautical miles (19,000 km; 12,000 mi) at a speed of 10 knots (19 km/h; 12 mph),^[6] the ship demonstrated a range of 9,910 nmi (18,350 km; 11,400 mi) at a speed of 10.7 knots (19.8 km/h; 12.3 mph) with 4,540 long tons (4,610 t) of oil.^[18]

Armament

USS Lexington firing her eight inch guns 1928

The Navy's Bureau of Construction and Repair was not convinced when the class was being designed that aircraft could effectively substitute as armament for a warship, especially at night or in bad weather that would prevent air operations.^[19] Thus the carriers' design included a substantial gun battery of 8 eight-inch (203 mm) Mk 9 guns in four twin-gun turrets. These turrets were mounted above the flight deck on the starboard side, one superfiring pair before the superstructure, and another behind the funnel, numbered I to IV from bow to stern.^[20] In theory the guns could fire to both sides, but it is probable that if they were fired to port (across the deck) the blast would have damaged the flight deck.^[21]

The ship's heavy anti-aircraft (AA) armament consisted of a dozen five-inch (127 mm) Mk 10 guns which were mounted on single mounts, three each fitted on sponsons on each side of the bow and stern.^[22] No light AA guns were initially mounted on Lexington, but two sextuple .30-caliber (7.62 mm) machine gun mounts were installed in 1929.^[23] They were unsuccessful, and they were replaced by two .50-caliber (12.7 mm) machine guns by 1931, one each on the roof of the upper eight-inch turrets. During a refit in 1935, platforms mounting four .50-caliber machine guns were installed on each corner of the ship, and an additional platform was installed that wrapped around the funnel. Six machine guns were mounted on each side of this last platform. In October 1940, four three-inch (76 mm) Mk 10 AA guns were installed in the corner platforms; they replaced two of the .50-caliber machine guns which were remounted on the tops of the eight-inch gun turrets. Another three-inch gun was added on the roof of the deckhouse between the funnel and the island. These guns were just interim weapons until the quadruple 1.1-inch (28 mm) gun mounts could be installed in August 1941.^[24]

In March 1942, Lexington's eight-inch turrets were removed at Pearl Harbor and replaced by seven quadruple 1.1-inch gun mounts. The eight-inch guns and turrets were reused as coast defense weapons on Oahu.^[25] In addition twenty-two 20-millimeter (0.8 in) Oerlikon AA guns were installed, six in a new platform at the base of the funnel, 12 in the positions formerly occupied by the ship's boats in the sides of the hull, two at the stern, and a pair on the aft control top. When the ship was sunk in May 1942, her armament consisted of a dozen single 5-inch guns, 12 quadruple 1.1-inch mounts, 22 Oerlikon guns, and at least two dozen .50-caliber machine guns.^[26]

Fire control and electronics

Each eight-inch turret had a Mk 30 rangefinder at the rear of the turret for local control, but they were normally controlled by two Mk 18 fire-control directors, one each on the fore and aft spotting tops.^[20] A 20-foot (6.1 m) rangefinder was fitted on top of the pilothouse to provide range information for the directors.^[27] Each group of three five-inch guns was controlled by a Mk 19 director, two of which were mounted on each side of the spotting tops.^[22] Lexington received a RCA CXAM-1 radar in June 1941 during a brief refit in Pearl Harbor. The antenna was mounted on the forward lip of the funnel with its control room directly below the aerial, replacing the secondary conning station formerly mounted there.^[28]

Armor

The waterline belt of the Lexington-class ships tapered 7–5 inches (178–127 mm) in thickness from top to bottom and angled 11° outwards at the top. It covered the middle 530 feet (161.5 m) of the ships. Forward, the belt ended in a bulkhead that also tapered from seven to five inches in thickness. Aft, it terminated at a seven-inch bulkhead. This belt had a height of 9 feet 4 inches (2.8 m). The third deck over the ships' machinery and magazine was armored with two layers of special treatment steel (STS) totaling 2 inches (51 mm) in thickness. The steering gear, however, was protected by two layers of STS that totaled 3 inches (76 mm) on the flat and 4.5 inches (114 mm) on the slope.^[29]

The gun turrets were protected only against splinters with 0.75 inches (19 mm) of armor. The conning tower was 2–2.25 inches (51–57 mm) of STS, and it had a communications tube with two-inch sides running from the conning tower down to the lower conning position on the third deck. The torpedo defense system of the Lexington-class ships consisted of three to six medium steel protective bulkheads that ranged from 0.375 to 0.75 inches (10 to 19 mm) in thickness. The spaces between them could be used as fuel tanks or left empty to absorb the detonation of a torpedo's warhead.^[29]

Service history

Lexington (CV-2) and Saratoga (CV-3) at Puget Sound Navy Yard Bremerton Washington 8th Jun 1932

After fitting-out and shakedown cruises, Lexington was transferred to the West Coast of the United States and arrived at San Pedro, California, part of Los Angeles, on 7 April 1928. In June Lexington made a high speed run from San Pedro to Honolulu in the record time of 72 hours and 34 minutes.^[30] Lexington was based in San Pedro until 1940 and mainly stayed on the West Coast, although she did participate in several Fleet Problems (training exercises) in the Atlantic Ocean and the Caribbean Sea.^[2] These exercises tested the Navy's evolving doctrine and tactics for the use of carriers. During Fleet Problem IX in January 1929, Lexington and the Scouting Force failed to defend the Panama Canal against an aerial attack launched by her sister ship Saratoga.^[31] Future science fiction author Robert A. Heinlein reported aboard on 6 July as a newly minted ensign under Captain Frank Berrien.^[32] Heinlein experienced his first literary rejection when his short story about a case of espionage discovered at the Naval Academy failed to win a shipboard writing contest.^[33]

In 1929, western Washington state suffered a drought which resulted in low levels in Lake Cushman that provided water for Cushman Dam No. 1. The hydro-electric power generated by this dam was the primary source for the city of Tacoma and the city requested help from the federal government once the water in the lake receded below the dam's intakes during December. The U.S. Navy sent Lexington, which had been at Puget Sound Naval Shipyard in Bremerton, to Tacoma, and heavy electric lines were rigged into the city's power system. The ship's generators provided a total of 4,520,960 kilowatt hours from 17 December to 16 January 1930 until melting snow and rain brought the reservoirs up to the level needed to generate sufficient power for the city.^[18] Two months later, she participated in Fleet Problem X, which was conducted in the Caribbean. During the exercise, her aircraft were judged to have destroyed the flight decks and all the aircraft of the opposing carriers Saratoga and Langley. Fleet Problem XI was held the following month and Saratoga returned the favor, knocking out Lexington's flight deck for 24 hours, just as the exercise came to a climax with a major surface engagement.^[34]

Lexington launching Martin T4M torpedo bombers in 1931

Captain Ernest J. King, who later rose to serve as the Chief of Naval Operations during World War II, assumed command on 20 June 1930. Lexington was assigned, together with Saratoga, to defend the west coast of Panama against a hypothetical invader during Fleet Problem XII in February 1931. While each carrier was able to inflict some damage on the invasion convoys, the enemy forces succeeded in making a landing. Shortly afterward, all three carriers transferred to the Caribbean to conduct further maneuvers. The most important of these was when Saratoga successfully defended the Caribbean side of the Panama Canal from an attack by Lexington. Rear Admiral Joseph M. Reeves baited a trap for King with a destroyer and scored a kill on Lexington on 22 March while the latter's aircraft were still searching for Saratoga.^[35]

On 31 March 1931, Lexington, which had been near Guantanamo Bay Naval Base, Cuba, was ordered to aid survivors of an earthquake that devastated Managua, Nicaragua.^[36] By the following day, the ship was close enough to launch aircraft carrying supplies and medical personnel to Managua.^[37]

USS Lexington (CV-2) Off Honolulu Oahu Hawaii with Diamond Head in the background 2nd Feb 1933

During Grand Joint Exercise No. 4, Lexington and Saratoga were able to launch a massive airstrike against Pearl Harbor on Sunday, 7 February 1932 without being detected. The two carriers were separated for Fleet Problem XIII, which followed shortly afterward. Lexington was assigned to Black Fleet, defending Hawaii and the West Coast against Blue Fleet and Saratoga. On 15 March, Lexington caught Saratoga with all of her planes still on deck and was ruled to have knocked out her flight deck and have badly damaged the carrier, which was subsequently ruled sunk during a night attack by Black Fleet destroyers shortly afterward. Lexington's aircraft were judged to have badly damaged two of Blue Fleet's battleships.^[38]

Before Fleet Problem XIV began in February 1933, the Army and the Navy conducted a joint exercise simulating a carrier attack on Hawaii. Lexington and Saratoga successfully attacked Pearl Harbor at dawn on 31 January without being detected. During the actual fleet problem, Lexington attempted to attack San Francisco, but was surprised in heavy fog by several defending battleships at close range and sunk.

Fleet Problem XV returned to the Gulf of Panama and the Caribbean in April–May 1934, but the participating ships of the Pacific Fleet remained in the Caribbean and off the East Coast for more training and maneuvers until they returned to their home bases in November. Most notably during Fleet Problem XVI, April–June 1935, Lexington ran low on fuel after five days of high-speed steaming, and this led to experiments with underway replenishment that later proved essential to combat operations during the Pacific War. During Fleet Problem XVII in 1936, Lexington and the smaller carrier Ranger routinely refueled their plane guard destroyers.^[39]

Admiral Claude C. Bloch limited Lexington to support of the battleships during Fleet Problem XVIII in 1937 and consequently the carrier was crippled and nearly sunk by surface gunfire and torpedoes.^[40] The following July, the ship participated in the unsuccessful search for Amelia Earhart.^[41] The 1938 Fleet Problem again tested the defenses of Hawaii and, again, aircraft from Lexington and her sister successfully attacked Pearl Harbor at dawn on 29 March. Later in the exercise, the two carriers successfully attacked San Francisco without being spotted by the defending fleet. Fleet Problem XX, held in the Caribbean in March–April 1939, was the only time before October 1943 that the Navy concentrated four carriers (Lexington, Ranger, Yorktown, and Enterprise) together for maneuvers. This exercise also saw the first attempts to refuel carriers and battleships at sea. During Fleet Problem XXI in 1940, Lexington caught Yorktown by surprise and crippled her, although Yorktown's aircraft managed to knock out Lexington's flight deck. The fleet was ordered to remain in Hawaii after the conclusion of the exercise in May.^[42]

Pearl Harbor the trigger point for America to enter into WWII

 

Admiral Husband Kimmel, Commander-in-Chief, Pacific Fleet, ordered Task Force (TF) 12-Lexington, three heavy cruisers and five destroyers - to depart Pearl Harbor on 5 December 1941 to ferry 18 U.S. Marine Corps Vought SB2U Vindicator dive bombers of VMSB-231 to reinforce the base at Midway Island.^[43] At this time she embarked 65 of her own aircraft, including 17 Brewster F2A Buffalo fighters. On the morning of 7 December, the Task Force was about 500 nautical miles (930 km; 580 mi) southeast of Midway when it received news of the Japanese Attack on Pearl Harbor. Several hours later, Rear Admiral John H. Newton, commander of the Task Force, received orders that canceled the ferry mission and ordered him to search for the Japanese ships while rendezvousing with Vice Admiral Wilson Brown's ships 100 miles (160 km) west of Niihau Island. Captain Frederick Sherman needed to maintain a continuous Combat Air Patrol (CAP) and recover the fuel-starved fighters which were on patrol. With the Marine aircraft aboard, Lexington's flight deck was very congested and he decided to reverse the phase of the ship's electric propulsion motors and steam full speed astern in order to launch a new CAP and then swap back to resume forward motion to recover his current CAP. This unorthodox action allowed him to maintain a continuous CAP and recover his aircraft without the lengthy delay caused by moving the aircraft on the flight deck from the bow to the stern and back to make space available for launch and recovery operations. Lexington launched several scout planes to search for the Japanese that day and remained at sea between Johnston Island and Hawaii, reacting to several false alerts, until she returned to Pearl Harbor on 13 December.^[44] Kimmel had wanted to keep the ships at sea for longer, but difficulties refueling at sea on 11 and 12 December meant that the task force was low on fuel and was forced to return to port.^[45]

Re-designated as Task Force 11, and reinforced by four destroyers, Lexington and her consorts steamed from Pearl Harbor the next day to raid the Japanese base on Jaluit in the Marshall Islands to distract the Japanese from the Wake Island relief force led by Saratoga. For this operation, Lexington embarked 21 Buffalos, 32 Douglas SBD Dauntless dive bombers, and 15 Douglas TBD Devastator torpedo bombers, although not all aircraft were operational. Vice Admiral William S. Pye, acting commander of the Pacific Fleet, canceled the attack on 20 December and ordered the Task Force northwest to cover the relief force. The Japanese, however, captured Wake on 23 December before Saratoga and her consorts could get there. Pye, reluctant to risk any carriers against a Japanese force of unknown strength, ordered both task forces to return to Pearl.^[46]

Lexington arrived back at Pearl Harbor on 27 December, but was ordered back to sea two days later. She returned on 3 January, needing repairs to one of her main generators. It was repaired four days later when TF 11 sailed with the carrier as Brown's flagship. The Task Force's mission was to patrol in the direction of Johnston Atoll. It was spotted by the submarine I-18 on 9 January and several other submarines were vectored to intercept the Task Force. Another submarine was spotted on the surface the following morning about 60 nautical miles (110 km; 69 mi) south of the carrier by two Buffalos who reported it without alerting the submarine to their presence. That afternoon it was spotted again, further south, by a different pair of fighters, and two Devastators carrying depth charges were vectored to the submarine's position. They claimed to have damaged it before it could fully submerge, but the incident is not mentioned in Japanese records. The putative victim was most likely I-19, which arrived at Kwajalein Atoll on 15 January. Lexington and her consorts returned to Pearl Harbor on the following day without further incident.^[47]

Task Force 11 sailed from Pearl Harbor three days later to conduct patrols northeast of Christmas Island. On 21 January, Admiral Chester Nimitz, the new commander of the Pacific Fleet, ordered Brown to conduct a diversionary raid on Wake Island on 27 January after refueling from the only available tanker, the elderly and slow oiler Neches en route to Brown. The unescorted tanker was torpedoed and sunk by I-71 23 January, forcing the cancellation of the raid. The task force arrived back in Pearl two days later. Brown was ordered back to sea on 31 January to escort the fast oiler Neosho to its rendezvous with Halsey's task force returning from its attack on Japanese bases in the Marshall Islands. He was then supposed to patrol near Canton Island to cover a convoy arriving there on 12 February. The task force was reconfigured with only two heavy cruisers and seven destroyers; the 18 Grumman F4F Wildcats of VF-3, redeployed from the torpedoed Saratoga, replaced VF-2 to allow the latter unit to convert to the Wildcat. One of the Wildcats was severely damaged upon landing on the carrier. Nimitz canceled the rendezvous on 2 February after it became apparent that Halsey did not need Neosho's fuel and ordered Brown to proceed to Canton Island. On 6 February, Nimitz ordered him to rendezvous with the ANZAC Squadron in the Coral Sea to prevent Japanese advances that might interfere with the sea-lanes connecting Australia and the United States. In addition, he was to protect a troop convoy bound for New Caledonia.^[48]

USS Lexington (CV-2) - and the attempted raid on Rabaul February 20, 1942

The heavy cruiser San Francisco and two destroyers reinforced the task force on 10 February and Brown rendezvoused with the ANZAC Squadron six days later. Even after emptying Neosho of her oil there was not enough fuel for the ANZAC Squadron to join Brown's proposed raid on Rabaul and they were forced to remain behind. Brown was reinforced by the heavy cruiser Pensacola and two destroyers on 17 February and tasked these ships to bombard Rabaul in addition to the attack by Lexington's aircraft. While still some 453 nautical miles (839 km; 521 mi) northeast of Rabaul, the task force was spotted by a Kawanishi H6K 'Mavis' flying boat on the morning of 20 February 1942. The snooper was detected by Lexington's radar and was shot down by Lieutenant Commander Jimmy Thach and his wingman, but not before it radioed its spot report. Another H6K was vectored in to confirm the first aircraft's report, but it was detected and shot down before it could radio its report. Brown's plan had depended on the element of surprise and he canceled the raid, although he decided to proceed toward Rabaul to lure Japanese aircraft into attacking him.^[49]

Defending the Lexington was air group VF-3
The Lexington's air group VF-3 was commanded by Lt. Commander John S. 'Jimmy' Thach

On February 20, 1942, the USS Lexington (CV-2) was part of Task Force 11, commanded by Vice Admiral Wilson Brown. The task force had been operating in the Coral Sea, preparing to raid Japanese positions on Rabaul, located in New Britain, part of the Japanese-controlled Bismarck Archipelago. However, Japanese reconnaissance planes spotted the task force, and the raid was called off due to the high risk of a counterattack. As Task Force 11 withdrew, it came under attack by Japanese aircraft and submarines. The Attack that followed was from Japanese land-based G4M 'Betty' bombers based in Rabaul. A total of 17 G4M 'Betty' bombers approached the task force, with the goal of sinking the carrier. However the Defensive Action put up by the The Lexington's air group, VF-3, commanded by Lt. Commander John S. 'Jimmy' Thach, became a legionary moment. F4F Wildcat fighters were scrambled to intercept the incoming bombers. In a successful defensive action, Thach and his pilots shot down 16 out of the 17 Betty bombers, with only one escaping. The Wildcats used aggressive tactics, including Thach's 'Beam Defense Position,' which later evolved into the famous 'Thach Weave'. The ship’s anti-aircraft batteries also contributed to the defense, preventing any bombs from striking Lexington. The crew’s defense and air cover successfully repelled the attack, keeping the ship unharmed.

Despite fending of the Japanese air attacks the Lexington still had to deal with the Submarine Threat. The Japanese submarine I-19 had been shadowing Lexington and attempted to attack. However, Lexington detected the submarine using her CXAM radar, one of the first operational radar systems in the U.S. Navy. The carrier successfully evaded the torpedoes, and I-19 was driven away by U.S. destroyers in the task force. The Lexington had escaped both the aerial and submarine attacks without damage. The incident demonstrated the effectiveness of early radar technology and fighter cover, both of which became crucial in defending carriers during WWII. The shooting down of 16 bombers by the Wildcats of VF-3 was a significant morale boost for the U.S. Navy during a difficult period early in the war. This engagement highlighted the increasing importance of air power in naval warfare and helped lay the groundwork for carrier-based operations that would dominate the Pacific War.

A Mitsubishi G4M torpedo bomber photographed from Lexington's flight deck on 20 February 1942

Rear Admiral Eiji Gotō, commander of the 24th Air Flotilla, launched all 17 of his long-range Mitsubishi G4M1 'Betty' torpedo bombers of the recently activated 4th Kōkūtai, although no torpedoes were available at Rabaul and they made do with a pair of 250-kilogram (550 lb) bombs apiece. To better search for the Americans, the Japanese split their aircraft into two groups and Lexington's radar acquired one of these at 16:25. At this time, the ship was rotating its patrolling aircraft and the newly launched aircraft barely had time to reach the altitude of the Japanese before they arrived. Lexington had 15 fully fueled Wildcats and Dauntlesses on her forward flight deck that had been moved forward to allow the patrolling fighters to land. They represented a serious fire hazard, but they could not be launched until all aircraft on the flight deck were moved aft. Cognizant of the danger, the deck crews succeeded in respotting the aircraft and the fueled aircraft were able to take off before the Japanese attacked.^[50] Commander Herbert Duckworth said, 'It was as if some great hand moved all the planes aft simultaneously.'^[51] Only four of the nine G4Ms in the first wave survived to reach Lexington, but all of their bombs missed and they were all shot down afterward, including one by a Dauntless. The losses were not all one-sided as they shot down two of the defending Wildcats. The second wave of eight bombers was spotted at 16:56, while all but two of the Wildcats were dealing with the first wave. Lieutenant Edward O'Hare and his wingman, Lieutenant (junior grade) Marion Dufilho, were able to intercept the bombers a few miles short of Lexington, but Dufilho's guns jammed before he could fire a shot. O'Hare shot down three G4Ms and damaged two others before the bombers dropped their bombs, none of which struck the wildly maneuvering carrier. Only three of the G4Ms reached base, as Wildcats and Dauntlesses pursued and shot down several others.^[52]

VF-3 Lt. Edward 'Butch' O'Hare - February 20, 1942
Lt. Edward 'Butch' O'Hare - heroic actions 20th Feb 1942 The Situation: On February 20, 1942, the USS Lexington (CV-2) came under attack by Japanese G4M "Betty" bombers from Rabaul. The carrier's fighter squadron, VF-3, was launched to defend the ship. Among the Wildcats in the air was Lt. Edward "Butch" O'Hare, who was assigned as a wingman to Lt. Commander John S. 'Jimmy' Thach, his squadron leader. Running Low on Ammunition during the engagement, O'Hare found himself alone in the air after Thach turned back due to mechanical issues. As he approached the formation of nine Japanese bombers closing in on Lexington, O'Hare discovered he had only limited ammunition left, as much of the squadron had already expended their ordnance in earlier skirmishes. Despite these obstacles, O'Hare bravely engaged the incoming bombers. Using precise and daring maneuvers, he single-handedly attacked the formation, shooting down five bombers and severely damaging a sixth. His actions broke up the attack, saving the Lexington from severe damage or potential destruction. O'Hare's heroism ended the immediate threat to the USS Lexington and for his actions, O'Hare was awarded the Medal of Honor, becoming the first naval aviator to receive the nation's highest military honor during World War II. Legacy: Unfortunately, Butch O'Hare was killed in action on 26th Nov 1943, during a night mission near the Gilbert Islands. His plane was lost in combat with Japanese forces, and his body was never recovered. In recognition of his bravery and service, Chicago O'Hare International Airport was named in his honor, ensuring his legacy would endure. O'Hare's actions on 20th February 1942, remain a defining moment in U.S. naval aviation history.

USS Lexington (CV-2) - and the Lae-Salamaua raid

The task force changed course after dark for its rendezvous with the tanker Platte, scheduled for 22 February. One Japanese Aichi E13A 'Jake' floatplane succeeded in tracking the task force for a short time after dark, but six H6Ks launched after midnight were unable to locate the American ships. Brown rendezvoused with Platte and the escorting ANZAC Squadron on schedule and he requested reinforcement by another carrier if another raid on Rabaul was desired.^[53] Nimitz promptly responded by ordering Yorktown's Task Force 17, under the command of Rear Admiral Frank Jack Fletcher, to rendezvous with Brown north of New Caledonia on 6 March to allow the latter to attack Rabaul. The initial plan was to attack from the south in the hope of avoiding Japanese search aircraft, but this was changed on 8 March when word was received that Rabaul harbor was empty as the Japanese had invaded Papua New Guinea and all the shipping was anchored off the villages of Lae and Salamaua. The plan was changed to mount the attack from a position in the Gulf of Papua, even though this involved flying over the Owen Stanley Mountains. The two carriers reached their positions on the morning of 10 March and Lexington launched eight Wildcats, 31 Dauntlesses and 13 Devastators. They were the first to attack the 16 Japanese ships in the area and sank three transports and damaged several other ships before Yorktown's aircraft arrived 15 minutes later. One Dauntless was shot down by anti-aircraft fire while a Wildcat shot down a Nakajima E8N floatplane. A H6K spotted one carrier later that afternoon, but the weather had turned bad and the 24th Air Flotilla decided not to attack. Task Force 11 was ordered to return to Pearl and Lexington exchanged six Wildcats, five Dauntlesses and one Devastator for two Wildcats from Yorktown that needed overhaul before she left. The task force arrived at Pearl Harbor on 26 March 1942.^[54]

The ship was given a short refit, during which her eight-inch gun turrets were removed and replaced by quadruple 1.1-inch (28 mm) anti-aircraft guns. Rear Admiral Aubrey Fitch assumed command of Task Force 11 on 1 April and it was reorganized to consist of Lexington and the heavy cruisers Minneapolis and New Orleans as well as seven destroyers. The task force sortied from Pearl Harbor on 15 April, carrying 14 Buffalos of VMF-211 to be flown off at Palmyra Atoll. After flying off the Marine fighters, the task force was ordered to train with the battleships of Task Force 1 in the vicinity of Palmyra and Christmas Island. Late on 18 April, the training was canceled as Allied codebreakers had figured out that the Japanese intended to invade and occupy Port Moresby and Tulagi in the southeastern Solomon Islands (Operation Mo). Therefore, Fitch's ships, acting on a command from Nimitz, rendezvoused with TF 17 north of New Caledonia on 1 May, after refueling from the tanker Kaskaskia on 25 April to thwart the Japanese offensive. At this time, Lexington's air group consisted of 21 Wildcats, 37 Dauntlesses and 12 Devastators.^[55]

Air raid on Rabaul by the Lexington Task Force^[J98]

The US carrier group that had attacked the Marshall Islands on 1 February consisted of a task force under the command of Rear Admiral Frank Fletcher built around the aircraft carrier Yorktown, and a second group based on the carrier Enterprise under the command of Vice Admiral William Halsey. The total strength of the force was two aircraft carriers, three cruisers, and four destroyers.

In response to the incursion by the US task force, the 24th Air Flotilla at Rabaul instigated daily patrols of the waters to the north of the Solomon Islands and the Coral Sea from 5 February using two to four flying boats.^[J99] According to postwar investigations, the force that attacked the Marshall Islands had returned to Hawaii at the time of the heightened patrols by the 24th Air Flotilla, with a different force drawing near to Rabaul after having set out from Hawaii on 31 January. This was the above-mentioned task force led by Vice Admiral Brown (hereafter called the Lexington Task Force), with a strength of four heavy cruisers and ten destroyers in addition to Lexington. The sole objective for the offensive planned by Brown was none other than the Japanese-occupied Rabaul. This recommendation was readily approved by Brown’s superior, Vice Admiral Leary.^[J100]

The Lexington Task Force proceeded south-west and swept the waters to the north of Fiji and Samoa after passing through the seas to the east of the Phoenix Islands on 8 February. The Japanese forces received intelligence that “an enemy carrier force was proceeding to the Samoa area” on 7 February, but it thereafter disappeared.^[J101]

The task force veered to the north, while east of the New Hebrides, on 15 February and proceeded north-west through the waters to the east and north of the Solomon Islands. It was Vice Admiral Brown’s plan to despatch bombers from a position 230 kilometres from Rabaul at 2 am on 21 February. However, the Japanese forces received intelligence that two enemy destroyers had suddenly appeared in the waters near Truk on 19 February. This report proved to be false, but flying boats were despatched from Rabaul during the evening of 20 February to carry out reconnaissance for the enemy destroyers in the rear waters near Truk. The lead plane radioed the following message at 8.30 am before losing communications: “Large enemy force 110 kilometres north-east of Rabaul, heading north-east.”^[J102] The 4th Air Corps lifted from Vunakanau airfield at 12.20 am after receiving orders from 24th Air Flotilla command to engage the enemy force.

As the 4th Air Corps was not at full strength at that time, it was unable to put fighters in the air to support the assault group (bomber group), and the bomber’s torpedoes had not even arrived. However, the aircrews had participated in the superb campaigns in the South-West Area at the beginning of the war and were flushed with these successes. They had great confidence in the outcome of the assault using only fixed bombs.

The Lexington Task Force, however, proceeded north observing extremely strict radio silence. At 8.50 am on 20 February, several unidentified aircraft were identified by radar on board Lexington (these were the first fitted in the US navy and could not show altitude). These aircraft were the above-mentioned patrol flying boats. The assault group that had sortied from Rabaul reported the discovery of the enemy carrier force at 2.35 pm and again at 3 pm. The Rabaul base waited expectantly for a report indicating a successful attack. However, two bombers in the first wave of nine were brought down by US fighters before they reached their targets. The other seven were able to drop their bombs, but the carriers took evasive action and were able to avoid any direct hits. Fighters launched from the carriers engaged with the bombers in the skies over the task force. Without an escort of fighters, all in the first wave of Japanese land-based bombers were destroyed. Similarly, three bombers in the second wave of eight were brought down prior to reaching the target, and two more wre brought down immediately after bombing the carrier force.

During the attack, two Japanese bombers damaged by US hits attempted unsuccessfully to ram the carriers. Of the remaining three bombers, only one returned to the Rabaul base, with one ditching into the ocean and the other crash-landing in Simpson Harbour. The Americans lost one pilot and two fighters. Commander Brown, however, fearing the opportunity to bomb Rabaul was lost, abandoned the planned air raid and withdrew without further action. The Japanese had lost 14 land-based bombers, two flying boats, and one reconnaissance seaplane, with the two ditched bombers suffering serious damage. Although the damages were great, the planned air raid on Rabaul had been averted.

Air raid on Salamaua^[J103]

Vice Admiral Brown, in the light of the failed air raid on Rabaul, submitted the following proposals to Pacific Fleet Commander Nimitz:

1. At least two carriers should be used in future operations against airbases with the strength of Rabaul;
2. It is essential to increase by two the number of fuel tankers required in operations in warm regions in the tropics owing to increased fuel consumption from the requirement for aircraft to take off at full speed.

Nimitz accepted both requests and assigned him Yorktown under Rear Admiral Fletcher, thus forming a mobile force based on two aircraft carriers.

The Lexington Task Force, which had withdrawn to the north-east on 20 February, veered to the west in the waters to the east of Santa Cruz Islands and entered the Coral Sea. It joined the Yorktown group to the south-west of Espiritu Santo soon after it had entered the patrol region of Japanese reconnaissance planes. At that time, there were no suitable targets for air raids other than Rabaul. It was precisely at this time that Japanese forces had landed in the Lae and Salamaua area, presenting a perfect target for air attack by the task force. The problem was whether to take the dangerous course through the Bismarck Sea to launch an assault, or to launch an attack over the 5,000 metre-high Owen Stanley Range from the waters to the south of eastern New Guinea. Suitable nautical charts of the Bismarck Sea for the first option had not been prepared and, furthermore, this would take the carrier force too close to Rabaul. The task force launched an assault group from 80 kilometres off the south coast of eastern New Guinea on 10 March, some 900 kilometres from Rabaul on a line through Lae and Salamaua. By 6.40 am, 104 planes were airborne.

The air raid was a success, with Japanese losses as previously described. The Americans lost only one aircraft and one pilot. [Editor’s note: This differs from the Japanese record of losses.]

The following is taken from the detailed battle report on Tsugaru, which had participated as an escort in this battle: For an offensive operation, there is a necessity for prior discussion concerning the expectation of counter-attack by an enemy force of considerable strength.

The support units, even for this current Lae and Salamaua operation, need to be of sufficient strength concomitant with the powerful Allied task force. Up until that time when Lae and Salamaua have been secured, establishments have been completed, air raid units have been deployed, and the bases can sufficiently demonstrate their functioning strength, there is a necessity for preparations against movements of the enemy into the waters south-east of New Guinea.

[Editor’s note: The main strength of the Japanese mobile carrier fleet, after it had conducted air raids on 5 March against Cilacap (south coast of Java), was at that time in the waters around the Cocos Islands (south of Sumatra) preparing for counter-offensives from the British navy’s Eastern Fleet.]

Battle of the Coral Sea

H-Gram 005, Attachment 3 Samuel J. Cox, Director NHHC 18 April 2017

The Battle of the Coral Sea did not occur by accident. By early April 1942, Admiral Nimitz, Commander-in-Chief of the U.S. Pacific Fleet, knew from intelligence that the Japanese intended to launch a major operation against Port Moresby New Guinea, which would constitute a serious threat to the northeast coast of Australia. By April, Nimitz had gained substantial confidence in his intelligence organization. During the course of the first months of the war, U.S. carriers had conducted multiple raids on the periphery of Japanese occupied ocean areas. The raids were not conducted at random, but were based on intelligence that indicated Japanese carriers would not be present to oppose the raids. The raids had multiple purpose, besides a need to “do something” to attack the Japanese; they also provided useful combat experience for U.S. forces in a relatively low-risk environment (although Japanese land-based bombers nearly made that a bad assessment on several occasions), but each raid generated a flurry of Japanese communications (and communications security violations) that greatly helped U.S. Naval Intelligence break ever more of the Japanese naval operating code and to more accurately refine communications “traffic analysis” capability. As a result, by mid- April, Admiral Nimitz had a good idea of the Japanese plan, the forces committed, and the timing. Nimitz wanted to commit all four operational carriers (Lexington, Yorktown, Enterprise and Hornet-Saratoga was still in repair after being torpedoed by a submarine) but Enterprise and Hornet were already committed by Washington to the Doolittle Raid, and although they attempted to get to the battle area, were unable to do so in time. Although Nimitz didn’t fully realize it, given the capability of Japanese naval aviation, committing two U.S. carriers against two to three Japanese carriers was quite audacious. Nevertheless, as at the subsequent Battle of Midway, the U.S. carriers at Coral Sea would theoretically have the advantage of surprise, thanks to Intelligence, but that advantage would be squandered.

On the Japanese side, the Port Moresby Operation (Operation “MO”) was the result of a messy compromise. By early March 1942, with the exception of isolated U.S. forces valiantly holding out on the Bataan Peninsula and Corregidor Island in the Philippines, the Japanese had achieved all their pre-war objectives, over three months ahead of schedule. What to do next resulted in massive infighting between the Japanese army and navy and also internal to the Navy. The Japanese army, tied down in its endless war on the mainland of China and prudently keeping a very large force in Manchuria (after they had suffered a couple nasty defeats in clashes with Soviet forces in 1939), did not want to commit any of its 2,000,000 or so men to capturing any more islands in the Pacific, and they especially did not want any part of trying to invade Hawaii (which the army viewed, probably rightly, as a high-cost loser).

The Japanese Navy General Staff wanted to exploit their success; some planners wanted to capture Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) and hopefully provoke an uprising against the British in India (then a British Crown Colony) while others wanted to drive across the Pacific to Fiji and Samoa, to cut the lines of communication to Australia, and still others wanted to capture the Aleutian Islands to prevent them from being used by long-range U.S. bombers against the mainland of Japan. Admiral Yamamoto, the Commander-in-Chief of the Combined Fleet, believed that the primary objective at this point should be to draw out and defeat the U.S. Navy carriers. Even before the Doolittle Raid, Yamamoto had decided that Midway Island was the place to spring a trap on the U.S. carriers, and the Raid only hardened his resolve and enabled him to beat down army and Navy General Staff resistance. When all the dust settled, Yamamoto had with great reluctance approved splitting his carrier force (“Kido Butai”) and sending CARDIV 5 (Shokaku and Zuikaku) to support an amphibious assault on Port Moresby, New Guinea in early May (which the army had very reluctantly agreed to support), with the intent that CARDIV 5 return to participate in the Midway Operation in early June. After Port Moresby was captured, and after the U.S. carriers were defeated at Midway, and the Aleutians taken in an operation concurrent with Midway, then the Japanese Navy intended to drive across the south Pacific. The problem was that there was no margin for error if the Port Moresby operation went bad for any reason, which it did, because of the unexpected opposition from U.S. carriers. Also, although the Shokaku and Zuikaku were the newest Japanese carriers, their air wings were the least experienced and viewed by the rest of the Kido Butai as the Japanese term for “B team” and Yamamoto may have felt they needed some additional practice. Nevertheless, both carriers were very experienced, formidable and capable foes.

As Task Force 11 (Lexington) and Task Force 17 (Yorktown) under overall command of Rear Admiral Frank “Jack” Fletcher waited in the Coral Sea for the Japanese invasion force to commence operations against Port Moresby, the Japanese sent a small force to capture Tulagi and Gavutu Islands and establish a seaplane reconnaissance base across the sound from Guadalcanal (a name which at the time meant nothing to anyone). Thinking Lexington was still engaged in refueling (she wasn’t, but radio silence was affecting U.S. command and control), Fletcher took Yorktown north and attacked the Japanese landing force on 4 May 1942, catching it without air cover and essentially defenseless. In three waves over the course of the day, including 76 dive bomber sorties and 23 torpedo bomber sorties from Yorktown, U.S. pilots continued a trend observed in earlier raids of grossly overestimating the size, type, and number of Japanese ships present, as well as the number damaged and sunk, claiming several cruisers sunk (no cruisers were present) and several destroyers (one was present). The actual result of a huge expenditure of ordnance was that one Japanese destroyer was damaged and later beached, three small minesweepers and four landing barges sunk, and probably most importantly, all five H6K4 Type 97 “Mavis” flying boats present were destroyed, which adversely affected Japanese search capability at a critical point. The Japanese carriers, operating in radio silence as well, north of the Solomon Islands, were engaged in refueling and could not react fast enough to launch a counter-strike on Yorktown; they were, however, alerted to the presence of at least one U.S. carrier.

On the 5th and 6th of May, both U.S. and Japanese carrier forces tried to locate each other without success. Expecting the Japanese carriers to be supporting the invasion force that would have to round the eastern tip of New Guinea, U.S. carrier aircraft concentrated searches to the northwest, to no avail. Meanwhile, the Japanese carriers had rounded the eastern side of the Solomon Islands and entered the Coral Sea from the east, unbeknownst to the United States. Although Intelligence had provided a good strategic situation to Fletcher, Japanese tactical communications security was superb (Fletcher also didn’t trust his own radio intelligence capability even when it was accurate). However, Japanese commander Rear Admiral Takagi, believing he was in position to surprise and trap the Americans (and he was) opted not to use his own carrier aircraft initially for search (so as not to give away his presence) relying on long range land-based and flying boat reconnaissance, much of which had been significantly depleted at Tulagi, and one was shot down by a Wildcat fighter. Fletcher was not helped by inaccurate reports from General MacArthur’s aircraft flying out of Australia that reported multiple carriers in company with the invasion force (and a lot else that wasn’t there). The brand-new Japanese small carrier Shoho (18 operational aircraft) was in the vicinity of the invasion force, which confused matters. The result was that both commanders had lost situational awareness by 7 May.

Rear Admiral Fletcher made one of his most controversial decisions of the battle early in the morning on 7 May by detaching TG-17.3, under the command of Rear Admiral Crace, Royal Navy (consisting of the Australian cruisers HMAS Australia, HMAS Hobart, the U.S. heavy cruiser USS Chicago (CA-29), two U.S. destroyers, plus an additional attached U.S. destroyer). The heavy cruisers Minneapolis (CA-36), New Orleans (CA-32,) Astoria (CA-34,) Chester (CA-27), and Portland (CA-33) and nine destroyers remained with TF 17. Crace’s mission was take his ships toward New Guinea and block the Japanese invasion force, which was covered by four heavy cruisers and other escorts. This action removed about a third of TF-17’s escorts (and a third of its AAA defenses, which were not very effective to begin with), and without air cover, Crace’s force was potentially vulnerable to the 40 or so Japanese land-based bombers operating out of Rabaul. It is believed that Fletcher based his decision on pre-war exercise experience, during which opposing carrier forces usually neutralized each other very early in the “battle” leaving surface ships to accomplish the mission, in this case, preventing the invasion of Port Moresby. In fact, Crace’s force was attacked later in the afternoon by two waves (about 30 aircraft total) of land-based twin-engine “Nell” bombers, in one of the more dismal performances in Japanese aviation history. The first wave of 12 Nells attempted a torpedo attack; five were shot down and no torpedoes hit. The second wave contented itself with a high altitude level bombing attack, with the usual results for that kind of attack, nothing. Displaying even worse ship recognition skills than U.S. pilots, the Japanese claimed to have sunk a California-class battleship, an Augusta-class cruiser, and damaged a Warspite (British)-class battleship, none of which were even remotely present. In reality, Crace’s ships dodged over a hundred bombs with no hits due to skillful ship handling, although there were seven casualties on Chicago resulting from a strafing attack. Crace’s ships were then attacked by three U.S. Army Air Force B-26 bombers from Australia; fortunately their bombing proficiency was even worse than the Japanese. Crace termed the B-26’s accuracy as “disgraceful” (and a good thing for him).

At dawn on 7 May, neither the U.S. carrier force nor the Japanese carrier force knew where the other was, and both were searching in the wrong directions (in effect, both forces had gotten “behind” the other). Giving up on land-based reconnaissance, the Japanese launched carrier aircraft to search. A Japanese plane misidentified the oiler USS Neosho (operating well “behind” the U.S. carriers) as a carrier, and her escort, the USS Sims (DD-402) as a cruiser. Rear Admiral Takagi (a surface officer, and victor in the Battle of the Java Sea in Feb 1942) turned over tactical command to Rear Admiral Chuichi Hara (an aviator) who immediately launched a full strike from both carriers (not standard Japanese doctrine-which was to launch half from each carrier, with the second half from each carrier for reserve/contingency) at what he thought was a U.S. carrier. A 78-plane strike (18 fighters, 24 torpedo bombers, and 36 dive bombers) rolled in on the luckless Neosho and Sims. The Japanese strike commander astutely recognized the error and diverted his torpedo bombers onto a fruitless search (but at least didn’t waste torpedoes.) Four Val dive bombers hit Sims with three bombs, which sank quickly with high loss of life; the rest pummeled Neosho with seven hits and 15 near misses. Neither ship was able to radio a distress signal, so Fletcher remained clueless to the real location of the Japanese carriers. Initially abandoned, Neosho refused to sink-half her crew was able to get back on board and valiantly fought to save the ship, until she finally had to be scuttled on 11 May.

In the meantime, the U.S. carriers had combined into a single task force (17), with the carriers operating together instead of independently (in keeping with the tradition of the U.S. Navy ignoring our own doctrine) on the advice of Rear Admiral Aubrey Fitch (an aviator) to whom Fletcher delegated tactical control during air operations. An SBD dive bomber conducting a scout mission from Yorktown erroneously reported two carriers operating in the vicinity of the Japanese invasion force (the pilot used the codeword for carriers when he meant cruisers) in clear weather. Based on that incorrect report, the U.S. launched a full strike from each carrier (93 aircraft total…50 from Lexington and 43 from Yorktown.) Fletcher learned of the error after the launch, and opted not to attempt a recall (something that hadn’t really been done before anyway) figuring that there were enough ships in the vicinity of the Japanese invasion force that there had to be something worth sinking, plus Fletcher still expected to find the Japanese carriers there anyway.

At about 1040, Lexington’s air group found the small carrier Shoho. Fifty Lexington aircraft executed what was perhaps the best coordinated U.S. carrier attack of the entire war. The dive bombers rolled in just ahead of the torpedo planes (the preferred sequence so that the dive bombers would draw fighters away from the more vulnerable torpedo planes and the bombs would disrupt Japanese AAA). Shoho was attempting to launch a strike with her limited assets against TF-17. Shoho’s combat air patrol (one Zero and two older A5M “Claude” fighters) gamely tried to disrupt the attack, succeeding in shooting down only one SDB after bomb release. Nevertheless, despite her limited defensive capability, Shoho managed to dodge the first 13 bombs dropped. Two bombs then hit and ignited massive fires. Lexington’s torpedo planes executed a near perfect “anvil” attack (from port and starboard bow, so that no matter which way the target turns, a beam aspect is presented to one of the attacking sections). Nine torpedo hits were claimed (at least five did hit, which were fatal). At about 1125, Yorktown’s air group arrived and pounded the already burning stem-to-stern, listing, dead-in-the-water and sinking Shoho with another 19 or so bombs, and somewhere between two and ten more torpedoes. Not surprisingly, Shoho sank quickly with heavy loss of (203 of 834 survived). Meanwhile, none of the other Japanese cruisers, destroyers, and transports in the vicinity were scratched (some of which inflicted severe losses on U.S. ships in the later Solomon Islands campaign).

Given the number of U.S. carrier aircraft that attacked the Shoho, Rear Admiral Takagi was able to deduce that two U.S. carriers were involved as well as their approximate location. In a gamble that would have gone down in history as a brilliant move, had it worked, Takagi ordered a dusk attack on the American carriers, knowing that it would require night recovery in deteriorating weather on his carriers, something that neither navy did on purpose except rarely. The dangerous mission consisted of volunteers from among the very best Japanese pilots in 15 torpedo bombers and 12 dive bombers. The strike overflew the U.S. carriers, hidden below the clouds. After jettisoning their ordnance, and transiting back toward their carrier, one flight of Japanese aircraft was detected by radar from the U.S. carriers, and with just enough light left, was ambushed by Wildcats out of the undercast; six torpedo bombers and one dive bomber were shot down at a cost of three Wildcats. The loss of the torpedo bombers would prove critical the next day. The remainder of the Japanese flight arrived over the U.S. carriers in darkness, mistook them for their own carriers, and attempted to recover on the Yorktown. One was shot down on approach (the ultimate “wave off”) and the others got the message. At the time the U.S. and Japanese carriers were about 40–60 miles apart. Eighteen of the 27 Japanese planes managed to recover on their own carriers.

The 8th of May, 1942, played out just like numerous pre-war fleet exercises in both navies. Both sides’ airborne scouts found each other about the same time, both sides attacked each other about the same time, and both sides effectively neutralized each other’s carriers about the same time. Unlike the pre-war exercises, however, there was no Battle Fleet to clean up afterwards (the Japanese hadn’t brought any battleships either).

At dawn on 8 May 1942, TF17, the Lexington and Yorktown, with 117 operational aircraft (31 fighters, 65 dive bombers, and 21 torpedo bombers) faced off against Carrier Division 5, the Shokaku and Zuikaku, with 96 operational aircraft (38 fighters, 33 dive bombers, and 25 torpedo bombers). Although the U.S. had numerical superiority, the weather favored the Japanese, as a front moved over the Japanese carriers hiding them under clouds, while the U.S. carriers were under mostly clear skies.

Japanese search aircraft launched at 0615. U.S. search aircraft launched at 0635. Yorktown’s radar gained first contact on a Japanese scout but the Wildcats missed the intercept, and the scout issued a contact report on two U.S. carriers at 0822, confirmed by radio intelligence on both Yorktown and Lexington. At 0820, a U.S. SBD scout located and reported the Japanese carriers. The U.S. launched first at 0900, with 39 Yorktown aircraft (six fighters, 24 dive bombers and nine torpedo bombers). At 0907, Lexington began launching 36 aircraft (nine fighters, 15 dive bombers, and 12 torpedo bombers). The two air-groups proceeded independently to the target. Shortly after, Shokaku and Zuikaku launched a 69-plane strike (18 fighters, 33 dive bombers, and 18 torpedo bombers) in a single integrated strike package which pushed at 0930. At 1100, Yorktown dive bombers commenced their attack on the Shokaku. Zuikaku ducked under clouds and was not seen by any attacking aircraft. Lexington’s aircraft would arrive at the target about 30 minutes later. At about 1115, the combined Japanese strike commenced its attack on both Yorktown and Lexington simultaneously.

At 1100, seven VS-5 (Yorktown) SBD Dauntless dive bombers attacked the Shokaku; harassed by Japanese fighters, all seven missed due to fogged windscreens and bombsights. At 1103, 17 VB-5 SBD’s attacked the Shokaku with multiple misses due to the fogging problem. One bomb hit almost at the bow and started a fire. A second bomb, dropped by Lieutenant John Powers, at the cost of his own and his gunner’s lives, hit near the island and started severe fires on the flight deck and in the hanger deck. Shokaku was unable to operate aircraft for the remainder of the battle due to this hit (Powers would be awarded a posthumous Medal of Honor). As VB-5 concluded its attack, the nine TBD torpedo bombers of VT-5 commenced their attack. Fighter escort kept the Zeros off the TBD’s, but Shokaku, despite burning furiously, was able to avoid or outrun all the torpedoes. At 1130 part of Lexington’s air group arrived over the Shokaku, but the remainder could not find the target due to the deteriorating weather. Four of Lexington’s command group dive bombers scored one hit on Shokaku. Eleven Lexington (VT-2) torpedo planes attacked Shokaku but no torpedoes hit. Two Lexington Wildcats were shot down while successfully protecting the torpedo bombers from Japanese fighters. The final tally: Shokaku was hit by three bombs, and unable to operate aircraft but still able to make 30Kts on her own. The cost to the U.S. was two SBD Dauntless and three Wildcats. An additional Wildcat and two SBD’s (including the Lexington air group commander, Commander William Ault) disappeared returning to the carrier.

Meanwhile, fully expecting to be attacked, TF-17 launched a heavy CAP of 8 Wildcats and 18 SBDs (in an anti-torpedo plane role). Upon radar detection of the inbound Japanese strike, nine more Wildcats and five more SBDs were launched. It did little good, despite radar fighter direction. The Japanese torpedo bombers escaped in the clouds, and the dive bombers were not intercepted until they began commencing dives. Lieutentant (j.g.) William E. Hall, flying a Lexington SBD Dauntless dive bomber in an anti-torpedo bomber role, was credited with downing three Japanese aircraft, despite being severely wounded, for which he was awarded a Medal of Honor. However, with only three of 18 Kate torpedo bombers shot down, nine attacked the Lexington and four went after the Yorktown (this is where the loss of torpedo bombers the previous night would prove crucial). The four that attacked the Yorktown all missed and two were shot down. The nine other torpedo bombers executed a doctrinal anvil attack on Lexington, which avoided the first five torpedoes but could not avoid the four coming from a different direction; two went under without exploding and two hit. The first torpedo hit was fatal, although it would take several hours before that would become apparent. Among other damage, the port aviation fuel tank was cracked, and volatile gasoline vapors began to seep throughout the ship.

Nineteen Val dive bombers then attacked Lexington and 14 attacked Yorktown. Zeros successfully defended the dive bombers, so all 33 dropped on target. Perhaps unfairly justifying CARDIV 5’s “B-team” status, just three direct hits were scored, along with numerous near misses (although that matched the U.S. total on Shokaku-at Midway, Hiryu’s A-team scored three serious hits and two damaging near misses on Yorktown with only seven dive bombers.) Two bombs hit Lexington, which caused minimal damage. One bomb hit Yorktown, which penetrated deep in the ship, causing significant damage, but Yorktown was quickly able to resume flight operations (this damage was repaired in time for Yorktown to participate in the battle at Midway; had she been hit by a torpedo, that would not have been the case). Lieutenant Milton Ernest Rickets was officer-in-charge of the Engineer Repair Party, which was decimated by the bomb. Despite being mortally wounded, Rickets immediately manhandled a hose and prevented the spread of the fire before “dropping dead beside the hose,” for which he was posthumously awarded a Medal of Honor, and directly contributed to Yorktown’s presence at the subsequent Battle of Midway.

The Japanese lost five dive bombers and eight torpedo planes in the attack on the Lexington and Yorktown; however, damage was extensive and seven more were forced to ditch on the way back to the Zuikaku, and another 12 had to be pushed over the side due to damage and as Zuikaku struggled to take aboard the remains of both Zuikaku and Shokaku’s air groups. Yorktown fighters, returning from the strike on Shokaku, shot down two more Japanese aircraft returning from the strike on the U.S. carriers; one was the Shokaku’s air group commander, and the other was the pilot who had first located the U.S. carriers and dodged U.S. fighters for over two hours, providing a steady stream of accurate positional reporting in probably the best scouting mission by either side in the war. The U.S. lost three Wildcats and five SBD’s defending the carriers.

At first it appeared that the U.S. carriers had gotten off surprisingly light from the Japanese air attack. However, at 1247, the gasoline vapors seeping through Lexington were ignited when they reached motor generators, resulting in a massive explosion. The fires quickly got out of control as numerous lesser and two more major explosions devastated the ship throughout the afternoon. At 1707 Captain Frederick “Ted” Sherman gave the order to abandon ship, and in what was arguably the most orderly and successful abandon ship in the history of the U.S. Navy, all personnel who were not killed in the air attack or the subsequent explosions were safely rescued.

At the end of the day, Yorktown had only 12 SBD dive bombers and eight TBD torpedo bombers still operational, and only seven torpedoes left. The situation was even worse on the Zuikaku; of 46 aircraft recovered on board, only nine were operational. Since 6 May, the Japanese had lost about 69 aircraft from Shokaku and Zuikaku, along with Shoho’s entire complement of 18 aircraft. Over 1,000 Japanese had been killed, most on Shoho. U.S. losses included 81 aircraft (including 35 that went down with the Lexington) and 543 dead aboard Lexington, Neosho and Sims. Both Fletcher and Takagi decided that the best course of action was to clear out as fast as possible. Takagi was blasted by Yamamoto for his decision and returned to the battle area (by then most of his embarked aircraft were repaired and operational) in a vain search. Nimitz had not second-guessed Fletcher, and TF17 was long gone. The Japanese attempt to invade Port Moresby was “postponed,” never to be attempted again, at least by sea.

Battle of the Coral Sea begins on the 8th May 1942
Lexington in the early morning of 8th May 1942, prior to launching her aircraft during the Battle of the Coral Sea

Preliminary actions

Both Task Forces needed to refuel, but TF 17 finished first and Fletcher took Yorktown and her consorts northward toward the Solomon Islands on 2 May. TF 11 was ordered to rendezvous with TF 17 and Task Force 44, the former ANZAC Squadron, further west into the Coral Sea on 4 May.^[56] The Japanese opened Operation Mo by occupying Tulagi on 3 May. Alerted by Allied reconnaissance aircraft, Fletcher decided to attack Japanese shipping there the following day. The air strike on Tulagi confirmed that at least one American carrier was in the vicinity, but the Japanese had no idea of its location.^[57] They launched a number of reconnaissance aircraft the following day to search for the Americans, but without result. One H6K flying boat spotted Yorktown, but was shot down by one of Yorktown's Wildcat fighters before she could radio a report. US Army Air Forces (USAAF) aircraft spotted Shōhō^{[Note 1]} southwest of Bougainville Island on 5 May, but she was too far north to be attacked by the American carriers, which were refueling.^[59] That day, Fletcher received Ultra intelligence that placed the three Japanese carriers known to be involved in Operation Mo near Bougainville Island, and predicted 10 May as the date of the invasion. It also predicted airstrikes by the Japanese carriers in support of the invasion several days before 10 May. Based on this information, Fletcher planned to complete refueling on 6 May and to move closer to the eastern tip of New Guinea to be in a position to locate and attack Japanese forces on 7 May.^[60]

Another H6K spotted the Americans during the morning of 6 May and successfully shadowed them until 1400. The Japanese, however, were unwilling or unable to launch air strikes in poor weather or without updated spot reports.^[61] Both sides believed they knew where the other force was, and expected to fight the next day.^[62] The Japanese were the first to spot their opponents when one aircraft found the oiler Neosho escorted by the destroyer Sims at 0722, south of the strike force. They were misidentified as a carrier and a cruiser so the fleet carriers Shōkaku and Zuikaku launched an airstrike 40 minutes later that sank Sims and damaged Neosho badly enough that she had to be scuttled a few days later. The American carriers were west of the Japanese carriers, not south, and they were spotted by other Japanese aircraft shortly after the carriers had launched their attack on Neosho and Sims.^[63]

American reconnaissance aircraft reported two Japanese heavy cruisers northeast of Misima Island in the Louisiade Archipelago off the eastern tip of New Guinea at 07:35 and two carriers at 08:15. An hour later Fletcher ordered an airstrike launched, believing that the two carriers reported were Shōkaku and Zuikaku. Lexington and Yorktown launched a total of 53 Dauntlesses and 22 Devastators escorted by 18 Wildcats. The 08:15 report turned out to be miscoded, as the pilot had intended to report two heavy cruisers, but USAAF aircraft had spotted Shōhō, her escorts and the invasion convoy in the meantime. As the latest spot report plotted only 30 nautical miles (56 km; 35 mi) away from the 08:15 report, the aircraft en route were diverted to this new target.^[64]

Lexington photographed from a Japanese aircraft on 8 May after she had already been struck by bombs

Shōhō and the rest of the main force were spotted by aircraft from Lexington at 10:40. At this time, Shōhō's patrolling fighters consisted of two Mitsubishi A5M 'Claudes' and one Mitsubishi A6M Zero. The dive bombers of VS-2 began their attack at 1110 as the three Japanese fighters attacked the Dauntlesses in their dive. None of the dive bombers hit Shōhō, which was maneuvering to avoid their bombs; one Zero shot down a Dauntless after it had pulled out of its dive; several other Dauntlesses were also damaged. The carrier launched three more Zeros immediately after this attack to reinforce its defenses. The Dauntlesses of VB-2 began their attack at 11:18 and they hit Shōhō twice with 1,000-pound (450 kg) bombs. These penetrated the ship's flight deck and burst inside her hangars, setting the fueled and armed aircraft there on fire. A minute later the Devastators of VT-2 began dropping their torpedoes from both sides of the ship. They hit Shōhō five times and the damage from the hits knocked out her steering and power. In addition, the hits flooded both the engine and boiler rooms. Yorktown's aircraft finished the carrier off and she sank at 11:31. After his attack, Lieutenant Commander Robert E. Dixon, commander of VS-2, radioed his famous message to the American carriers: 'Scratch one flat top!'^[65]

After Shōkaku and Zuikaku had recovered the aircraft that had sunk Neosho and Sims, Rear Admiral Chūichi Hara, commander of the 5th Carrier Division, ordered that a further air strike be readied as the American carriers were believed to have been located. The two carriers launched a total of 12 Aichi D3A 'Val' dive bombers and 15 Nakajima B5N 'Kate' torpedo bombers late that afternoon. The Japanese had mistaken Task Force 44 for Lexington and Yorktown, which were much closer than anticipated, although they were along the same bearing. Lexington's radar spotted one group of nine B5Ns at 17:47 and half the airborne fighters were directed to intercept them while additional Wildcats were launched to reinforce the defenses. The intercepting fighters surprised the Japanese bombers and shot down five while losing one of their own. One section of the newly launched fighters spotted the remaining group of six B5Ns, shooting down two and badly damaging another bomber, although one Wildcat was lost to unknown causes. Another section spotted and shot down a single D3A. The surviving Japanese leaders canceled the attack after such heavy losses and all aircraft jettisoned their bombs and torpedoes. They had still not spotted the American carriers and turned for their own ships, using radio direction finders to track the carrier's homing beacon. The beacon broadcast on a frequency very close to that of the American ships and many of the Japanese aircraft confused the ships in the darkness. A number of them flew right beside the American ships, flashing signal lights in an effort to confirm their identity, but they were not initially recognized as Japanese because the remaining Wildcats were attempting to land aboard the carriers. Finally they were recognized and fired upon, by both the Wildcats and the anti-aircraft guns of the task force, but they sustained no losses in the confused action. One Wildcat lost radio contact and could not find either of the American carriers; the pilot was never found. The remaining 18 Japanese aircraft successfully returned to their carriers, beginning at 20:00.^[66]

8th May 1942

View of the flight deck of Lexington, at about 15:00 on 8 May. The ship's air group is spotted aft, with Wildcat fighters nearest the camera. Dauntless dive bombers and Devastator torpedo bombers are parked further aft. Smoke is rising around the aft aircraft elevator from fires burning in the hangar.

On the morning of 8 May, both sides spotted each other about the same time and began launching their aircraft about 09:00. The Japanese carriers launched a total of 18 Zeros, 33 D3As and 18 B5Ns. Yorktown was the first American carrier to launch her aircraft and Lexington began launching hers seven minutes later. These totaled 9 Wildcats, 15 Dauntlesses and 12 Devastators. Yorktown's dive bombers disabled Shōkaku's flight deck with two hits and Lexington's aircraft were only able to further damage her with another bomb hit. None of the torpedo bombers from either carrier hit anything. The Japanese CAP was effective and shot down 3 Wildcats and 2 Dauntlesses for the loss of 2 Zeros.^[67]

Confirmed direct hits sustained by Lexington during the battle

The Japanese aircraft spotted the American carriers around 11:05 and the B5Ns attacked first because the D3As had to circle around to approach the carriers from upwind. American aircraft shot down four of the torpedo bombers before they could drop their torpedoes, but 10 survived long enough to hit Lexington twice on the port side at 11:20, although 4 of the B5Ns were shot down by anti-aircraft fire after dropping their torpedoes. War correspondent Stanley Johnston, who was on the signal bridge during the battle, noted five torpedo hits on the port side from 11:18 to 11:22.^[68] The shock from the first torpedo hit at the bow jammed both elevators in the up position and started small leaks in the port avgas storage tanks. The second torpedo hit her opposite the bridge, ruptured the primary port water main, and started flooding in three port fire rooms. The boilers there had to be shut down, which reduced her speed to a maximum of 24.5 knots (45.4 km/h; 28.2 mph), and the flooding gave her a 6–7° list to port. Shortly afterward, Lexington was attacked by 19 D3As. One was shot down by fighters before it could drop its bomb and another was shot down by the carrier. She was hit by two bombs, the first of which detonated in the port forward five-inch ready ammunition locker, killing the entire crew of one five-inch gun and starting several fires. The second hit struck the funnel, doing little significant damage although fragments killed many of the crews of the .50-caliber machine guns positioned near there. The hit also jammed the ship's siren in the 'on' position. The remaining bombs detonated close alongside and some of their fragments pierced the hull, flooding two compartments.^[69]

Fuel was pumped from the port storage tanks to the starboard side to correct the list and Lexington began recovering damaged aircraft and those that were low on fuel at 11:39. The Japanese had shot down three of Lexington's Wildcats and five Dauntlesses, plus another Dauntless crashed on landing. At 12:43, the ship launched five Wildcats to replace the CAP and prepared to launch another nine Dauntlesses. A massive explosion at 12:47 was triggered by sparks that ignited gasoline vapors from the cracked port avgas tanks. The explosion killed 25 crewmen and knocked out the main damage control station. The damage did not interfere with flight deck operations, although the refueling system was shut down. The fueled Dauntlesses were launched and six Wildcats that were low on fuel landed aboard. Aircraft from the morning's air strike began landing at 13:22 and all surviving aircraft had landed by 14:14. The final tally included three Wildcats that were shot down, plus one Wildcat, three Dauntlesses and one Devastator that were forced to ditch.^[70]

Battle of the Coral Sea Lexington begins to sink 8th May 1942
USS Lexington (CV-2) blows an aircraft over her side Battle of the Coral Sea 8th May 1942

Another serious explosion occurred at 14:42 that started severe fires in the hangar and blew the forward elevator 12 inches (305 mm) above the flight deck. Power to the forward half of the ship failed shortly afterward. Fletcher sent three destroyers to assist, but another major explosion at 15:25 knocked out water pressure in the hangar and forced the evacuation of the forward machinery spaces. The fire eventually forced the evacuation of all compartments below the waterline at 16:00 and Lexington eventually drifted to a halt. Evacuation of the wounded began shortly afterward and Sherman ordered 'abandon ship' at 17:07. A series of large explosions began around 18:00 that blew the aft elevator apart and threw aircraft into the air. Sherman waited until 18:30 to ensure that all of his crewmen were off the ship before leaving himself. Some 2,770 officers and men were rescued by the rest of the task force. The destroyer Phelps was ordered to sink the ship and fired a total of five torpedoes between 19:15 and 19:52. Immediately after the last torpedo hit, Lexington finally slipped beneath the waves^[71] at 15°20′S 155°30′E.^[2] Some 216 crewmen were killed and 2,735 were evacuated.^[72] 17 SBD Dauntless dive bombers, 13 F4F Wildcat fighters, and 12 TBD Devastator torpedo bombers, 42 planes total, went down with Lexington.^[73]

USS Lexington (CV-2) - Ships that Assisted during Sinking

During the Battle of the Coral Sea on May 8, 1942, the USS Lexington (CV-2) was critically damaged and sank after a series of gasoline explosions. Several ships from Task Force 11 assisted in rescuing her crew and scuttling the carrier to prevent it from falling into enemy hands.

USS Yorktown (CV-5):

The USS Yorktown was the other U.S. carrier in the battle. While it did not directly participate in the rescue operations, it provided air cover and continued to engage Japanese forces, helping to defend the damaged Lexington.

 

USS Anderson (DD-411)
The USS Anderson, a Sims-class destroyer, played a vital role during the Battle of the Coral Sea in May 1942. After the USS Lexington (CV-2) was severely damaged by Japanese attacks, the Anderson joined other ships in the critical mission of rescuing the crew. The Anderson maneuvered alongside the crippled carrier, helping to evacuate sailors and providing essential support during the evacuation. Despite the efforts of the Anderson and other ships, the Lexington had to be scuttled to prevent it from being captured by the enemy. The Anderson’s actions were a key part of the overall rescue effort, underscoring the destroyer’s pivotal role in protecting larger ships and saving lives during the battle.

USS Hammann (DD-412):
The USS Hammann, a Sims-class destroyer, played a key role in rescuing survivors during one of her most notable actions in the Battle of the Coral Sea in May 1942. During the battle, the USS Lexington (CV-2) was critically damaged by Japanese aircraft and subsequent internal explosions. After the disaster struck, the Hammann came alongside the burning carrier to assist in the evacuation, taking on many of the injured and providing crucial support. Despite the efforts of the Hammann and other ships, the Lexington had to be scuttled to prevent it from falling into enemy hands. The Hammann’s brave actions during this operation were a testament to the destroyer's vital role and her crew's dedication.

USS Morris (DD-417)
The USS Morris, a Gleaves-class destroyer, played a crucial role in rescuing survivors during the Battle of the Coral Sea in May 1942. After the USS Lexington (CV-2) was critically damaged by Japanese aircraft and subsequent internal explosions, the Morris came alongside the stricken carrier to help evacuate the crew. She took on many sailors, providing essential support in the midst of the crisis. Despite the valiant efforts of the Morris and other ships, the Lexington ultimately had to be scuttled to prevent it from falling into enemy hands. The Morris’ actions during the battle were a key contribution to the rescue operations, showcasing the destroyer’s vital role in safeguarding the fleet and her crew’s bravery under pressure.

USS Phelps (DD-360)
The USS Phelps, a Porter-class destroyer, played a critical role in the aftermath of the Battle of the Coral Sea in May 1942. After the USS Lexington (CV-2) was severely damaged by Japanese bombs and subsequent internal explosions, the Phelps assisted in rescuing survivors and providing cover. Once it became clear that the Lexington could not be saved, the Phelps was given the responsibility of scuttling the carrier to prevent it from falling into enemy hands. The Phelps fired five torpedoes into the burning ship, sending the Lexington to the bottom of the sea. This decisive action by the Phelps was critical in ensuring the carrier was safely destroyed, preventing its capture, and completing the operation under challenging conditions.

 

Evacuation and Scuttling:

After suffering severe damage, the Lexington's crew was evacuated by the destroyers, with over 2,700 men saved.
The destroyers, including the Hammann, Morris, and Anderson, played critical roles in ensuring that most of the crew was safely rescued.
The USS Phelps scuttled the carrier, ensuring it did not fall into Japanese hands.
This swift action by the destroyers saved hundreds of lives and prevented the Lexington from being captured by the enemy.

A summary of the Battle of the Coral Sea 8th May 1942

Type	Japanese	United States
Ships
	1 carrier (Shoho)	1 carrier (Lexington)
	1 destroyer	1 oil tanker
	4 specialty vessels	1 destroyer
	Total 6 sunk	Total 3 sunk
Aircraft	80	66
Personnel	Approximately 900	543

On 7–8 May 1942, the Battle of the Coral Sea was the first naval battle in history in which opposing ships never sighted each other. It was also the first carrier versus carrier battle. The result was a tactical draw, but a strategic victory for the United States in that the Japanese were forced to call off their planned capture of Port Moresby, New Guinea. Both the United States and Japan suffered significant losses, though the battle had a strategic impact that favored the Allies despite the immediate tactical results.

 Japanese Losses:

Japanese aircraft carrier Shōhō 祥鳳 was sunk on 7th May 1942
The light aircraft carrier Shōhō was sunk on May 7, 1942, by American carrier aircraft from the USS Lexington and USS Yorktown. Shōhō was the first Japanese aircraft carrier lost during the war, struck by multiple bombs and torpedoes in a devastating air assault.

Aircraft Carrier Shōkaku (Damaged): The fleet carrier Shōkaku, one of Japan's largest carriers, was heavily damaged by American dive bombers on May 8, 1942. She took several bomb hits, damaging her flight deck and rendering her unable to launch or recover aircraft. Shōkaku managed to escape and return to Japan for repairs, missing the Battle of Midway as a result.

Japanese destroyer Kikuzuki was sunk on 4th May 1942
The Japanese destroyer Kikuzuki was sunk on May 4, 1942, during the preliminary American air raids against Japanese invasion forces around Tulagi.

Aircraft: Japan lost approximately 69 aircraft (from both Shōhō and Shōkaku) during the battle, with many skilled pilots lost. This depletion of experienced aviators would hurt Japan in later battles.

Troop and Transport Ships (Damaged): Several smaller ships and transport vessels were either sunk or damaged during the early phases of the battle, particularly in air raids on Japanese invasion forces near Tulagi.

  American Losses:

Aircraft Carrier USS Lexington (CV-2): The USS Lexington, one of the two American carriers in the battle, was critically damaged on May 8, 1942, by Japanese torpedoes and bombs. Internal gasoline explosions worsened the damage, and the ship had to be abandoned and scuttled. The loss of the Lexington was a significant blow, as she was one of the largest and most important carriers in the U.S. Navy at the time.

Aircraft Carrier USS Yorktown (CV-5) (Damaged): The USS Yorktown, though damaged, was able to continue fighting. She was hit by a bomb during the battle but managed to make emergency repairs and return to Pearl Harbor. The repairs were completed so quickly that she was able to participate in the Battle of Midway only a month later.

Destroyer USS Sims (DD-409) sunk on 7th May 1942
The USS Sims, escorting an American oiler, was sunk on May 7, 1942, by Japanese dive bombers during the initial stages of the battle. The ship was overwhelmed by bomb hits and went down with most of her crew.

Oiler USS Neosho (AO-23) (Damaged, later scuttled)
The fleet oiler USS Neosho, tasked with refueling American warships, was heavily damaged by Japanese dive bombers on May 7, 1942, alongside the Sims. Neosho drifted for days with survivors aboard before being scuttled after a failed rescue attempt

Aircraft: The U.S. lost approximately 66 aircraft in the battle, including bombers, fighters, and torpedo planes. Some were lost in combat, while others went down with the Lexington or were lost due to operational accidents.

Strategic Outcome: While Japan achieved a tactical victory in terms of ships sunk, the Battle of the Coral Sea was a strategic victory for the Allies. Japan’s attempt to capture Port Moresby in New Guinea, which would have threatened Australia, was thwarted, and their naval strength was reduced. The damage to the Shōkaku and the loss of experienced aircrews meant that Japan entered the upcoming Battle of Midway with significantly diminished forces, contributing to the decisive American victory there.

Thus, the Coral Sea battle was a turning point in the Pacific, halting Japanese expansion for the first time and shifting momentum to the Allies.

Wreck location

USS Lexington (CV-2) is abandoned after damaged by fires and explosions Coral Sea 8th May 1942

 

Lexington's wreck was located on 4 March 2018 by research vessel Petrel during an expedition funded by philanthropist Paul Allen.^{[74][Note 2]} A remotely operated underwater vehicle confirmed the ship's identity by the nameplate on its stern.^[76] It lies at a depth of 3,000 meters (9,800 ft) and at a distance of more than 800 kilometers (500 mi) east off the coast of Queensland.^[77] The wreck lies on the seabed separated into multiple sections. The main section sits upright on the seabed; the bow rests flat with the stern sitting upright across from it, both approximately 500 meters (1,600 ft) west of the main section. The bridge rests by itself in between these sections.^[78] Seven TBD Devastators, three SBD Dauntlesses, and a single F4F Wildcat were also located farther to the west-all in a good state of preservation. In 2022, an expedition was proposed to recover several TBD Devastators and the F4F Wildcat from Lexington.^[79][80]

 

Honors and legacy

Lexington received two battle stars for her World War II service. She was officially struck from the naval register on 24 June 1942.^[2]

In June 1942, shortly after the Navy's public acknowledgment of the sinking, workers at the Quincy shipyard, where the ship had been built twenty-one years earlier, cabled Navy Secretary Frank Knox and proposed a change in the name of one of the new Essex-class fleet carriers currently under construction from Cabot to Lexington.^[81] Knox agreed to the proposal and the carrier was renamed as the seventh Lexington (CV-16) on 16 June 1942.^[82]